The SCHOOL-TO- PRISON PIPELINE: EXPANDING OUR DISCUSSION TO INCLUDE BLACK GIRLS

by Monique W. Morris Ed. D

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The pipeline analogy has become the dominant frame by which to discuss the lived experiences of boys and girls, disproportionately Black, 1 who are criminalized in their learning environments, ultimately leading to contacts with juvenile and criminal justice systems (Edelman, 2007; Advancement Project, Padres and Jovenes Unidos, the Southwest Youth Collaborative, and Children & Family Justice Center of Northwestern University School of Law, 2005).

Black female and male students have experienced higher levels of exclusionary discipline since 1991 than any other group of students (Wallace, J., Goodkind, Wallace, C., & Bachman, 2008; see also Losen & Skiba, 2010). Black f e m a l e s a n d m a l e s represents 17 percent of the youth population ages 10 to 17, but are 58 percent of all juveniles sent to adult prison (Children’s Defense Fund, 2011).

According to the Advancement Project (2010), “arrests in school represent the most direct route into the school-to-prison pipeline, but out-of-school suspensions, expulsions, and referrals to alternative schools also push students out of school and closer to a future in the juvenile and criminal justice systems” (p. 4–5). Black students are more likely to be suspended or expelled for “disrespect, excessive noise, threat, and loitering” (Skiba, Michael, & Nardo, 2000, p. 13).

Nationwide, Black males represent the largest subpopulation in confinement (Childtrends, 2012). In 2010, Black males represented 42 percent of juvenile males in residential placement (Sickmund, Sladky, Kang, & Puzzanchera, 2011). At 28.3 percent of suspensions, Black boys have experienced the greatest risk of suspension among middle school students, with the number of suspensions increasing annually from 2002 to 2006 (Losen & Skiba, 2010).

While Black males are the largest subpopulation in confinement, the plight of Black girls cannot be overlooked. Between 1985 and 1997, Black girls were the fastest growing segment of the juvenile population in secure confinement (Puzzanchera, Adams, & Sickmund, 2011). By 2010, Black girls were 36 percent of juvenile females in residential placement (Sickmund et al., 2011). During these same periods Black girls also experienced a dramatic rise in per-district suspension rates. Between 2002 and 2006, per-district suspension rates of Black girls increased 5.3 percentage points compared to the 1.7 percentage point increase for Black boys (Losen & Skiba, 2010, p. 7). Among the nation’s 10 highest suspending districts, Black girls with one or more disability experienced the highest suspension rate of all girls (Losen & Gillespie, 2012).

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